Islam and Somali Women:

Changing Cultures; Changing Identities

Presented by

Leslie A. Koepke, Ph.D.

Human Development and Family Studies

University of Wisconsin-Stout

Menomonie, WI 54751

Groves Conference on Marriage and Family

Ireland

June 2008

The purpose of this fireside chat is to explore the influence of immigration upon the gender roles, religious beliefs, and cultural norms of Somali women. In particular we will examine the changing identity of Somali women as a result of their relocation to the United States. The research questions drew upon previous research with Somali families living in Minnesota. Four primary strengths and behaviors that supported those strengths were identified, as were challenges facing Somali families. The four strengths were: 1. spiritual unity (supported by loyalty, respect and adherence to hierarchical roles); 2. social unity (supported by cooperation and responsible role functioning); 3. psychological unity (supported by peace, harmony and health), and 4. physical unity (facilitated by interdependence and support through sharing of resources). The challenges were identified as 1. culture clashes as families tried to maintain their religious beliefs as Sunni Muslims (primarily related to gender roles and child rearing practices), and 2. resistance to identifying with a political philosophy (Somali’s consider themselves "born free" and interference by any state or governing body is experienced as restrictive and regulatory) (Heitritter, 1999).

A discovery-oriented qualitative research approach with Somali women in a small ESL class provides a glimpse into their personal perspectives since emigrating to the United States and the resulting impact on their immediate and extended family system. The goal was to paint a more current picture of the intersections of gender, religion, and cultural norms and their combined impact upon the identity of Somali women living in the U.S.

History: Somalis live in an area on the Horn of Africa which includes the country of Somalia and parts of Djibouti, Kenya and Ethiopia. Somalis share language, religion, and culture (Koshen, 2007). Originally most of the 6.38 million Somalis were pastoralists (59%) with some urbanization. Somalis belong to clans or tribal structures and follow time-honored customs based on Islamic practices and laws (Barnes, 2006). Politically, the Somalia Republic became independent in 1960 as a result of the unification between northern and southern Somalilands which were previously governed by Italian and British colonial powers. After eight years of relatively successful parliamentary-based rule, a military regime took over and remained in power until 1990 when the country degenerated into inter-clan fighting and general civil war. "The camel ate its own shelter" is a Somali metaphor which describes the destructive, self defeating nature of the civil war (Koshen, 2007). Currently the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) estimates the average life expectancy of Somalis as 47 years; Somalis have one of the highest infant mortality rates in the world (132 per 1,000 live births), and 20% of children die before the age of five. Less than one fifth of all children attend primary school, and the adult literacy rate is 17.1%. Access to health services and clean water is estimated to be available to 28% of the population. Nearly half of Somalia’s population lives on less than $1 a day with GNP per capita quoted as $200 (UNDP Human Development Report, 2001).

The Diaspora. (This refers to the Somali population living outside the country - mostly in Europe and North America – who have emigrated in search of asylum). Resettlement in Europe and North America has been pursued by many Somalis due to the desire for security and stability, as well as opportunities for employment, education, health services, and a higher standard of living (Koshen, 2007). Somalis risk their lives to relocate abroad not only to improve their lives but, just as importantly, to find means of financially supporting family members back home. Currently, it is estimated that half of Somalis living in the United States live in Minnesota which is known for its robust refugee and immigration services (Heitritter, 1999). The majority of the 20,000-30,000 Somalis in Minnesota has refugee status, and arrived in the United States with a high illiteracy rate (Abdulle & Irish, 2007). Those who have achieved, or are in the process of achieving legal status, have immersed themselves in their new life, while at the same time maintain strong kinship ties to their homeland. Somalis respect time-honored values and customs, and care for their kin both near by and in the community they left behind.

Religion: Somalis almost universally can be identified by their strong adherence to Islam; the Sunni sect in particular (Ajrouch & Kusow, 2007). Spiritually, Somalis believe that whatever happens is pre-ordained by the Almighty, and this supports their ability to persevere through times of adversity. The five basic pillars of Islam require belief in only one God and Mohammed as his prophet; five daily prayers at prescribed times; wealth cleansing, or payment of alms; fasting during the month of Ramadan; and pilgrimage to Makkah/Mecca at least once in their lifetime. The five Islamic prescriptions regarding the family include: marriage as a religious duty and social necessity; prohibition of sex outside marriage, and the husband’s obligation to provide for his wife; the wife’s obligation to obey her husband; the obligation to be kind to one’s relatives and have concern for their well being (Koshen, 2007). Therefore, Islam shapes many aspects of Somali culture including gender roles, family structure, celebrations, social interactions, and health care practices. The traditional expression given at marriage ceremonies is "Wiil iyo cano," literally translated as "sons and milk," which is a hope for fertility and prosperity (Koshen, 2007). Of primary importance is the nurturance of Islamic values in children. Somali families are typically large, with six children being average. Children are expected to conform to parental commands, and structured gender roles are socialized at an early age (Abdulle & Irish, 2007). Socially, there is strict separation of the sexes, and women are expected to cover their bodies, including their hair, when in public. Although men are dominant in Somali communities, women of independence are common among refugee communities (Puttmam & Noor, 1993). Due to the Diaspora, many Somali families now live in Christian communities, and there is concern that children will be exposed to lax influences (Heitritter, 1999). As one person reported, it is important that children should "pray, receive Quranic instruction and maintain Somali customs" while living abroad (Ayotte, 2002).

Gregory Stone (1962) theorized that identity is not owned by individuals but is a result of social relationships. Identity validation is a critical piece upon which consensual roles are based. In Stone’s thesis, "identities are established when identity announcements (information given by persons about who they are) correspond to identity placements
(categories that others place the person in)" (Ajrouch & Kusow, 2007). The degree of similarity between these two can range from total fit and identity consensus, to complete disagreement and identity confusion. Consequently, identities are variable, ranging from stable and consistent to unstable and variable because they are information-dependent and constructed from social relationships and therefore negotiable. Since the U.S. is considered a "Christian" country and Islam is not a dominant religion, it requires those who are Muslim to engage in identity efforts to ensure their recognition and legitimization. Since women are the transmitters of the faith to their children, it is particularly important for their identity announcements and identity placements to be consistent and cohesive.

Research questions: The purpose of this study was to examine how immigration has influenced gender roles, religious beliefs, cultural norms and the current identity of Somali women living in the United States.

Subjects: In depth interviews were conducted with a sample of 20 Somali women who participated in "English conversation circles" over a year’s period of time as part of an on-going English as a Learned Language community-based course. The age range of the women varied from 25 years to 53 years with the median age being 37 years (to the extent they knew when they were born). The majority of the women (n = 18) were single parents due to the death of or separation from their spouse in the civil war. All spoke numerous languages (Somali, Arabic, Italian, and Russian) with English being the most recent language learned. Duration of residence in the United States ranged from 1 year to 7 years, with the average being 3 years.

Procedure: Group interviews explored several key concepts including gender roles, religious beliefs, and cultural norms. Since the conversation circles were part of an ELL course, all questions were written and read in English and discussion occurred in English. Answers to the questions were written in English (as part of the conversation circle assignments) and are used to illustrate themes. Questions were adapted based on prior work in the field (Carroll, Epstein, Fiscella, Volpe, Diaz & Omar, 2007; Plaisted, 2002; Ryan, 2002; Stone, Gomez, Hotzoglou, & Lipnitsky, 2005), were constructed to be open-ended, and were minimally revised periodically based on participants’ comprehension. Clarifying questions and feedback from subjects helped to maximize reliability and conceptual validity. Interviews were 45-60 minutes in length. Subjects’ written responses were reviewed with a Somali translator for clarification, theme identification, and reliability. Consent was obtained and confidentiality was maintained throughout the conversation circles.

Analysis: Grounded theory, a coding/editing approach was used to conduct data analysis (Strauss and Corbin, 1990). Common themes and consistent practices were identified from the written responses, and review of the data with a Somali translator assisted to identify the most salient themes and note any discrepancies.

Data gathering and analysis is ongoing, but initial themes emerging from the interviews identify traditional roles for Somali women (prior to coming to the United States) as well as how those roles may be changing. Expectations of their children are explored as well.

Question 1: "How many people lived with you when you were growing up?" The responses ranged from 12 to more than 20. Since the majority of Somali families have at least 6 children and frequently include extended family members, their responses were not surprising.

Question 2: "How many people live with you now?" the responses range from 3 to 7. Since the majority of women are single parents (their husbands either died in Somalia or they are separated from them), and they are separated from their extended family, most of them live with their children and in some cases, other siblings.

Question 3: "When you were growing up, did you have a permanent home or did you move depending on the season?" Eight of the women responded they moved depending on the season (nomadic), and 12 had permanent homes (mostly in Mogadishu).

Question 4: "What did you learn about being a "good woman" when you were growing up? How were you expected to behave?" This question elicited three unanimous themes with a few lesser themes. The three primary themes were: to believe in Islam, obey your parents, and take care of children. The lesser themes included: going to the mosque; reading and learning Quran; be educated; be a good person, and care for all children. The lesser themes were stated by those women who grew up in permanent homes, who had access to mosques and schools.

Question 5: "When you were growing up, if someone was described as a ‘bad woman’ or ‘bad girl", what did this mean to you?" One woman responded,"…if the woman cheating other man, or she lie or gossip." In general, a "bad girl" was thought to be one who did not obey her parents. A "bad woman" was one who did not obey Allah or follow the laws of Islam; betrayed her husband; gossiped or said untruths about others; or did not care for her children.

Question 6: "When you were growing up, how was a ‘good man’ expected to behave?"

The primary themes identified included being a religious man (being Muslim; believing in Allah), and treating others well. Lesser themes included being generous to others, reading the Quran, giving alms, having a good personality, work hard, take in children.

"A good man has positive attitude, personality, knows Quran and religion, is educated, is not selfish, but gives to others. It is the law that men can marry women. He can have up to four wives. If man is involved with woman and does not marry her, he is cheating his family. He needs to treat all wives equally."

This written response summarizes many of the themes related to what was expected of a "good man."

Question 7: "Now that you live in the United States, how should a "good woman" behave? If you want others to think of you as a ‘good woman’, how should you live?"

The primary themes identified were: obey her parents; stay true to Allah; study Quran; not gossip.

"In the U.S., good woman should obey her parents first. She can do her activities

(school, house work). She cannot talk a lot of others. She cannot go outside without permission. She study Quran and our culture. Stay away from bad friends and no boyfriends."

Question 8: "What are your hopes for your children? What do you want for their future?"

The primary themes were: remain Muslim; get education, marry Muslim, have children.

One woman wrote:

"I don’t care if my daughter marry Somali man, American man, but he must be Muslim."

In discussing the issue of marriage for their children, the consistent theme was that their children must marry another Muslim and bear children to carry on the religion. In particular, sons must marry Muslim women. Since women are the ones who nurture Islamic values in children, if their sons were to get divorced, then at least the children would be guaranteed to be raised Muslim.

Question 9: "When your children are old enough to marry, will you help them find a spouse?" This question was asked based on past research which indicated that traditionally, parents were involved in selecting and/or approving the spouse for their child. This question resulted in discussion that went in numerous directions, and everyone was adamant in their opinion. The general process seemed to be that an adult male child would consult with his parents about the girl in question. The parents would secretly check out the girl and her family. If the family is approved, the boy will talk with the parents of the girl, giving them many compliments about their daughter. The two fathers will then talk about what gifts the son will give to the girl (camels and gold in Somali; money and gold in the U.S.) and agree to the marriage. With daughters, she can say no to the suitor and say no to her parents if they suggest some man she dislikes; her parents can say no to her if they disapprove of the man she suggests. The most frequent written response was, "Want my child to be happy. Marry Muslim."

During the discussion, two women in the group stated they were currently dating Muslim men without their parent’s knowledge. This resulted in a flurry of discussion among the women in their native language. The researcher asked how they could be dating without parental involvement. One woman said her dead husband’s cousin was coming to America to marry her, but until then, "the Russian man treats me well; he loves me; gives me gifts. My children do not like him, but I do." The other woman merely stated that dating was "not so bad if we only talk, go to eat, or see movie together. If it becomes more, then I will involve my family." The rest of the women sat in silence, listening intently. This was the first time the researcher noted that the "identity announcements" made by these two Somali women about who they are varied from the "identity placements" or categorizations made of them by the other women.

Question10: "As a woman, what are the differences between living in Somalia and living in the U.S.?"

"In Somalia you stay inside, take care of house and children. Husband comes home, you bring food make him happy. In America, women work outside, go to school, have children. Husband makes his own food."

"In America, only one wife, no more."

The primary themes were that women worked outside the home in the U.S. and as a result this changed their roles at home; they had their own money, and their husbands could only have one wife. When asked if it would be acceptable to have more than one wife in the U.S., would they want that; they all said no, except for one woman who said "if he treated all equally, then okay."

Limitations: In cross-cultural research, it has been noted that a researcher’s relationship with subjects’ is critical for gaining access to, and ultimately, understanding the subjects’ responses. The researcher had worked and interacted with the Somali women as a tutor for one year prior to developing any research questions. It was from this relationship that curiosity about, and interest in their changing identities, emerged. During the English conversation circles, open-ended questions were raised for any or all to respond to, to avoid the effects of direct questions. Although all of the women spoke English with varying degrees of proficiency, cultural norms about publicly revealing personal viewpoints to other Somali women and/or to an American woman may have impacted the discussion.

Conclusion: Somali women living in America experience more personal independence and economic security than has ever been available to them, and yet viewed through the numerous losses and upheaval experienced due to the war, their new identities emerge from great personal suffering. Religion is often one of the most important variables in the experience of adaptation among immigrants and refugees. It is clear from the responses of these twenty Somali women that their religion defines who they are and what they want for their children. What remains to be seen is if their hopes for their children and their own fulfillment to be "good women" will continue to be defined by their religion, or be fundamentally changed as a result of the social relationships they develop in America.

References

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